The body of political thought generated by the struggle against slavery, segregation and racial subordination in the Americas, and by the long internal argument over what liberation would actually consist of.
Its founding modern statement is W. E. B. Du Bois's The Souls of Black Folk (1903), which introduced double consciousness — the experience of seeing oneself through the eyes of a contemptuous society — and framed the colour line as the century's defining problem. Black Reconstruction (1935) followed with a historical argument of equal consequence: that emancipated slaves were the agents of American democracy's brief expansion, and that its rollback required a scholarly mythology to justify it.
The tradition's spine is a disagreement rather than a doctrine. Booker T. Washington counselled accommodation, vocational advancement and patience; Du Bois attacked that as surrender and demanded political agitation and higher education. Marcus Garvey rejected both, arguing that a despised minority could not negotiate its way to dignity and must build separately. That argument recurred in the 1960s between King's integrationist nonviolence and Malcolm X's insistence on self-defence and self-determination, and it has never resolved because both positions describe something real.
Later generations added axes rather than settling the original one. Kimberlé Crenshaw's intersectionality argued that frameworks organised around a single category systematically lose the people who sit at their intersections; bell hooks pressed the same point through class and gender together. Adolph Reed Jr. represents the standing counter-argument from the left — that a politics organised around racial identity rather than material class interest fragments the coalition capable of winning redistribution, and suits elites in both parties. The dispute between them is currently the tradition's most active front.
