NationalistUltra rare

Archetype

LeftNationalist

We estimate roughly 1.5% of people fit this profile — about 1 in 67.

Liberty
AuthorityLiberty
47
Economy
StateMarket
33
Scope
NationalGlobal
33
Culture
TraditionalProgressive
52

You support strong worker protections and economic equality within national borders. International capitalism exploits workers; nations must protect their own.

ProtectionismUnion nationalismAnti-globalization
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Your political profile.

A snapshot of where this archetype sits — what holds it together, what it inherits, and where it meets others on the map.

Core beliefs

What you hold

  • Free trade agreements are capital mobility, not real freedom
  • Immigration hurts domestic workers' bargaining power
  • National sovereignty enables social democratic policies
  • Globalism is capitalist class warfare against workers
  • Strong borders protect strong welfare states
Your community

Adjacent positions

  • Coalition for a Prosperous America — A trade coalition of manufacturers, farmers, and unions pushing tariffs and domestic production — home turf for your economic nationalism.
  • Sahra Wagenknecht Alliance (Germany) — A German party fusing left economics with tight borders and cultural conservatism — the clearest working model of what you believe.
  • Morning Star (UK) — A socialist daily rooted in the trade-union movement and wary of the EU, speaking for workers and national sovereignty alike.
  • United Steelworkers — A major industrial union that fights offshoring and backs trade protection to defend domestic jobs — where labor solidarity meets economic patriotism.
  • Compact Magazine — A post-liberal magazine where left economics and cultural traditionalism share a masthead — a rare venue for your cross-cut politics.
Intellectual roots

The thinkers whose ideas this type descends from. Most lived in other eras and never identified with it.

Toussaint Louverture

1743–1803

You hold that universal rights are hollow until the colonized and enslaved claim them by force, and he proved it—turning France's abstract liberty into a slave revolution and a self-governing state. His 1801 constitution bound emancipation to self-rule, a precedent later abolitionists and anticolonial movements invoked as proof the enslaved could seize sovereignty.

Giuseppe Mazzini

1805–1872

You carry the conviction that a free, self-governing nation is the vehicle for popular sovereignty—not a betrayal of universal ideals but their precondition. You believe peoples liberate themselves from below, and that nationhood binds together rights, duty, and a fraternity extending across a Europe of free nations.

Theodor Herzl

1860–1904

Der Judenstaat sets out the case you recognize: assimilation cannot protect a people denied a home — only a state of its own can. Herzl backed the argument with machinery, convening the First Zionist Congress in 1897 to give a dispersed movement institutions and a diplomatic strategy aimed at the great powers.

Marcus Garvey

1887–1940

When you believe dignity can't be begged from institutions that exclude you, you build your own — businesses, presses, a shipping line linking the diaspora through Black-owned enterprise. That is the wager of Garvey's UNIA, which built the largest mass movement the African diaspora had seen.

George Orwell

1903–1950

Loving your country and wanting socialism were never opposites for Orwell. The Lion and the Unicorn calls England "a family with the wrong members in control" and insists the revolution would be won in a recognizably English accent.

Kwame Nkrumah

1909–1972

Flag-raising and elections are only the surface; his theory of neo-colonialism names the deeper trap, where foreign capital and trade dependence rule a nominally sovereign state. He insisted that political power comes first and that only a united Africa can resist domination — the logic behind your suspicion of hollow independence.

Also draws on5

Traditions reached through the thinkers above — the more of them a tradition claims, the more this type leans on it.

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