Tradition

Public Choice

Mid-20th century to present

The school that applies economic assumptions about self-interest to political actors — voters, legislators and bureaucrats — rather than assuming they pursue the public good.

Public choice applies to political actors the same assumptions economics applies to everyone else. Voters, legislators, regulators and bureaucrats pursue their own interests and not an abstract public good, and political outcomes should be explained accordingly. James Buchanan called the program politics without romance, a phrase that captures both its analytical discipline and the objection it attracts.

Buchanan and Gordon Tullock's The Calculus of Consent (1962) founded the field, analyzing constitutional rules as the outcome of bargaining among people who do not know how they will later be placed. A series of durable concepts came out of it. Rent-seeking is the expenditure of real resources to capture transfers instead of creating value. Rational ignorance is the voter's reasonable decision not to research questions their vote will not determine. Concentrated benefits and diffuse costs explains why small organized groups routinely defeat larger unorganized ones. Regulatory capture followed. Mancur Olson on collective action and Arrow's impossibility theorem sit alongside these as foundations.

Buchanan's distinctive move was constitutional. Since he expected self-interest at every level, he located the remedy in rules rather than in better officials: rules chosen behind enough uncertainty about one's own future position that they have to be general. The argument earned the Nobel in 1986 and reads as a Rawlsian device turned to different ends.

Two serious objections follow it. Empirically, the pure self-interest assumption predicts turnout and much bureaucratic behavior badly, and the field has had to soften it. Politically, critics argue that an analysis finding democratic politics inherently corrupt supplies a rationale for insulating decisions from democratic control, a charge pressed polemically in Nancy MacLean's Democracy in Chains and disputed in detail by scholars of Buchanan's work. Elinor Ostrom's Bloomington school stands as the empirical counterweight from inside the same broad camp, showing communities solving collective-action problems the theory predicted they could not.

Lineage

Descends from

  • Political Economy18th century to present

    Applies the discipline's own assumption of self-interest to the political actors economics had conventionally exempted from it.

  • Chicago School EconomicsMid-20th century to present

    Buchanan and Tullock extended the Chicago habit of applying price theory beyond markets to the behavior of voters, bureaucrats and legislators.

  • Classical Liberalism17th-19th century

    Buchanan's constitutional turn is a liberal one: since officials cannot be relied upon, the remedy is general rules chosen behind uncertainty about one's own position.

Thinkers2
Voices today2 living

Living writers, politicians and public figures working in this tradition today. Association, not endorsement: a figure appears where their stated commitments place them, and is reachable by role and search like everyone else.

Related through shared thinkers3