[{"data":1,"prerenderedAt":-1},["ShallowReactive",2],{"archetype-name-map":3,"tradition-postcolonial-theory":100},[4,7,10,13,16,19,22,25,28,31,34,37,40,43,46,49,52,55,58,61,64,67,70,73,76,79,82,85,88,91,94,97],{"slug":5,"name":6},"anarcho-capitalist","Anarcho-Capitalist",{"slug":8,"name":9},"establishment-progressive","Establishment Progressive",{"slug":11,"name":12},"progressive-activist","Progressive Activist",{"slug":14,"name":15},"conservative-democrat","Conservative Democrat",{"slug":17,"name":18},"moderate-conservative","Moderate Conservative",{"slug":20,"name":21},"reform-conservative","Reform Conservative",{"slug":23,"name":24},"national-populist","National Populist",{"slug":26,"name":27},"left-nationalist","Left Nationalist",{"slug":29,"name":30},"democratic-socialist","Democratic Socialist",{"slug":32,"name":33},"techno-progressive","Techno-Progressive",{"slug":35,"name":36},"patriotic-progressive","Patriotic Progressive",{"slug":38,"name":39},"religious-conservative","Religious Conservative",{"slug":41,"name":42},"traditionalist","Traditionalist",{"slug":44,"name":45},"moderate-liberal","Moderate Liberal",{"slug":47,"name":48},"pragmatic-centrist","Pragmatic Centrist",{"slug":50,"name":51},"authoritarian-left","Authoritarian Left",{"slug":53,"name":54},"authoritarian-right","Authoritarian Right",{"slug":56,"name":57},"welfare-nationalist","Welfare Nationalist",{"slug":59,"name":60},"christian-socialist","Christian Socialist",{"slug":62,"name":63},"market-socialist","Market Socialist",{"slug":65,"name":66},"trad-socialist","Trad Socialist",{"slug":68,"name":69},"civil-libertarian","Civil Libertarian",{"slug":71,"name":72},"compassionate-libertarian","Compassionate Libertarian",{"slug":74,"name":75},"left-libertarian","Left Libertarian",{"slug":77,"name":78},"traditional-libertarian","Traditional Libertarian",{"slug":80,"name":81},"classical-liberal","Classical Liberal",{"slug":83,"name":84},"social-liberal","Social Liberal",{"slug":86,"name":87},"national-conservative","National Conservative",{"slug":89,"name":90},"neoconservative","Neoconservative",{"slug":92,"name":93},"techno-authoritarian","Techno-Authoritarian",{"slug":95,"name":96},"market-liberal","Market Liberal",{"slug":98,"name":99},"independent-thinker","Independent Thinker",{"tradition":101,"thinkers":108,"definingArchetypes":147,"sharedArchetypes":148,"relOut":152,"relIn":181},{"id":102,"slug":103,"name":104,"short_description":105,"long_description":106,"era_marker":107},500,"postcolonial-theory","Postcolonial Theory","That empire did not end with independence: it survives in the categories through which the formerly colonized are described, and in who is granted the standing to describe them.","Postcolonial theory begins where anti-colonial politics leaves off. The occupations ended; the frameworks did not, and the question it asks is what remains of empire once the flags have changed.\n\nSaid's Orientalism (1978) is the founding text. Its argument is that \"the Orient\" is a European construction — an enormous, internally consistent body of scholarship, fiction and administration that produced the East as sensual, despotic, static and in need of rule, and that this discourse was not incidental to imperial power but part of its equipment. Said took Foucault's account of knowledge and power and applied it to a body of learning that had understood itself as disinterested.\n\nSpivak pressed the harder question. In \"Can the Subaltern Speak?\" she argued that the very act of representing the oppressed — including by sympathetic Western intellectuals — reinscribes the relation it means to undo, since the subaltern is heard only in a vocabulary supplied by others. Her answer is closer to no than to yes, and the essay is as much a critique of Western radicalism as of Western conservatism.\n\nBhabha complicated the picture from the other side, arguing that colonial relations are never a clean imposition on a passive subject: mimicry produces colonial subjects who are \"almost the same, but not quite\", and that gap is destabilizing rather than merely humiliating. Hybridity, ambivalence and the third space are his terms for a colonial encounter that changes both parties.\n\nThe tradition's standing criticism is that it purchased sophistication at the cost of politics — that a discourse analysis conducted in expensive universities is a poor successor to the movements that actually ended colonial rule. Fanon, who belongs to both, is the measure of the distance.","Late 20th century to present",[109,121,130,140],{"is_primary":110,"thinkers":111},false,{"id":112,"era":113,"name":114,"slug":115,"one_line":116,"is_living":110,"birth_year":117,"death_year":118,"portrait_url":119,"sort_priority":120},996,"20th Century","Edward Said","edward-said","Edward Said was a literary scholar and public intellectual whose critique of Orientalism exposed how Western knowledge about the East served empire, reshaping postcolonial politics.",1935,2003,"\u002Fimages\u002Ffigures\u002Fwebp\u002Fedward-said.webp",5,{"is_primary":110,"thinkers":122},{"id":123,"era":113,"name":124,"slug":125,"one_line":126,"is_living":110,"birth_year":127,"death_year":128,"portrait_url":129,"sort_priority":120},1003,"Frantz Fanon","frantz-fanon","Frantz Fanon was a psychiatrist and revolutionary theorizt who dissected the psychology of colonial domination and made anticolonial struggle central to modern liberation politics.",1925,1961,"\u002Fimages\u002Ffigures\u002Fwebp\u002Ffrantz-fanon.webp",{"is_primary":110,"thinkers":131},{"id":132,"era":133,"name":134,"slug":135,"one_line":136,"is_living":137,"birth_year":138,"death_year":139,"portrait_url":139,"sort_priority":120},1262,"Contemporary","Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak","gayatri-chakravorty-spivak","Asked whether the oppressed can be heard at all when the terms of hearing are supplied by others.",true,1942,null,{"is_primary":110,"thinkers":141},{"id":142,"era":133,"name":143,"slug":144,"one_line":145,"is_living":137,"birth_year":146,"death_year":139,"portrait_url":139,"sort_priority":120},1263,"Homi K. Bhabha","homi-k-bhabha","Argued that colonial authority is destabilized from within by the imperfect copies it demands of the colonized.",1949,[],[149,151],{"archetype_slug":26,"shared_thinker_count":150},1,{"archetype_slug":11,"shared_thinker_count":150},[153,161,167,174],{"relation_type":154,"strength":155,"description":156,"traditions":157},"descends_from","foundational","Orientalism applies Foucault's account of discourse and power to a body of Western scholarship that had understood itself as disinterested, and Spivak came to the field as Derrida's translator.",{"name":158,"slug":159,"era_marker":160},"Postmodernism","postmodernism","Mid-20th century to present",{"relation_type":154,"strength":155,"description":162,"traditions":163},"The politics of the liberation movements is the ground it works on; Fanon belongs to both, and the shift is from ending an occupation to contesting the categories that outlived it.",{"name":164,"slug":165,"era_marker":166},"Anti-Colonial Thought","anti-colonial-thought","19th century to present",{"relation_type":154,"strength":168,"description":169,"traditions":170},"significant","It takes the method of ideology critique and turns it on the imperial archive rather than on the culture industry.",{"name":171,"slug":172,"era_marker":173},"Critical Theory","critical-theory","20th century",{"relation_type":175,"strength":168,"description":176,"traditions":177},"reacts_against","Anti-colonial nationalism is treated as having accepted the colonizer's categories — the nation, the people, an authentic culture prior to contact — in order to argue against him.",{"name":178,"slug":179,"era_marker":180},"Nationalism","nationalism","18th century to present",[182],{"relation_type":154,"strength":168,"description":183,"traditions":184},"The claim that a state's neutrality is the majority's culture presented as the absence of culture is the domestic form of the postcolonial argument about representation.",{"name":185,"slug":186,"era_marker":107},"Multiculturalism","multiculturalism"]