[{"data":1,"prerenderedAt":-1},["ShallowReactive",2],{"archetype-name-map":3,"thinker-william-beveridge":100,"$f1qf36w6srzt76":124,"thinker-stance-william-beveridge":113},[4,7,10,13,16,19,22,25,28,31,34,37,40,43,46,49,52,55,58,61,64,67,70,73,76,79,82,85,88,91,94,97],{"slug":5,"name":6},"trad-socialist","Trad Socialist",{"slug":8,"name":9},"classical-liberal","Classical Liberal",{"slug":11,"name":12},"techno-authoritarian","Techno-Authoritarian",{"slug":14,"name":15},"moderate-conservative","Moderate Conservative",{"slug":17,"name":18},"national-populist","National Populist",{"slug":20,"name":21},"conservative-democrat","Conservative Democrat",{"slug":23,"name":24},"reform-conservative","Reform Conservative",{"slug":26,"name":27},"left-nationalist","Left Nationalist",{"slug":29,"name":30},"democratic-socialist","Democratic Socialist",{"slug":32,"name":33},"left-libertarian","Left Libertarian",{"slug":35,"name":36},"compassionate-libertarian","Compassionate Libertarian",{"slug":38,"name":39},"market-liberal","Market Liberal",{"slug":41,"name":42},"patriotic-progressive","Patriotic Progressive",{"slug":44,"name":45},"traditionalist","Traditionalist",{"slug":47,"name":48},"progressive-activist","Progressive Activist",{"slug":50,"name":51},"techno-progressive","Techno-Progressive",{"slug":53,"name":54},"pragmatic-centrist","Pragmatic Centrist",{"slug":56,"name":57},"independent-thinker","Independent Thinker",{"slug":59,"name":60},"traditional-libertarian","Traditional Libertarian",{"slug":62,"name":63},"national-conservative","National Conservative",{"slug":65,"name":66},"social-liberal","Social Liberal",{"slug":68,"name":69},"market-socialist","Market Socialist",{"slug":71,"name":72},"welfare-nationalist","Welfare Nationalist",{"slug":74,"name":75},"authoritarian-right","Authoritarian Right",{"slug":77,"name":78},"authoritarian-left","Authoritarian Left",{"slug":80,"name":81},"moderate-liberal","Moderate Liberal",{"slug":83,"name":84},"civil-libertarian","Civil Libertarian",{"slug":86,"name":87},"christian-socialist","Christian Socialist",{"slug":89,"name":90},"religious-conservative","Religious Conservative",{"slug":92,"name":93},"establishment-progressive","Establishment Progressive",{"slug":95,"name":96},"anarcho-capitalist","Anarcho-Capitalist",{"slug":98,"name":99},"neoconservative","Neoconservative",{"thinker":101,"archetypes":114,"traditions":118,"traditionLinks":119,"homeOut":120,"homeIn":121,"works":122,"homeTradition":113,"siblings":123},{"id":102,"slug":103,"name":104,"one_line":105,"bio":106,"birth_year":107,"death_year":108,"nationality":109,"primary_role":110,"era":111,"portrait_url":112,"figure_class":113},1325,"william-beveridge","William Beveridge","William Beveridge was the British Liberal economist whose 1942 report on social insurance, aimed at want, disease, ignorance, squalor and idleness, became the blueprint for Britain's welfare state.","William Beveridge was born in Rangpur, Bengal, on 5 March 1879 and studied at Balliol College, Oxford. In 1902 he became sub-warden of Toynbee Hall, the settlement house in East London, where he came under the influence of Sidney and Beatrice Webb. He wrote leaders for the Morning Post before joining the Board of Trade in 1908 under Winston Churchill. There he helped design the Labour Exchanges Act of 1909 and part of the National Insurance Act of 1911. During the First World War he worked on the Munitions of War Act of 1915, and in 1919 he was permanent secretary of the Ministry of Food.\n\nIn June 1919 he became director of the London School of Economics, a post he held for eighteen years, and in 1937 he was elected Master of University College, Oxford. The wartime inquiry he chaired produced the document that carries his name: Social Insurance and Allied Services, published on 1 December 1942. It named five giants on the road of reconstruction (want, disease, ignorance, squalor and idleness) and proposed to meet want through a system of cash benefits, paid for by equal contributions from the worker, the employer and the state, with a public assistance safety net beneath it. \"A revolutionary moment in the world's history is a time for revolutions, not for patching,\" the report declared. It sold more than 600,000 copies by February 1944, while Churchill's coalition government deferred acting on it.\n\nThe plan rested on three assumptions: a national health service, family allowances, and state action to keep employment high. Beveridge took up the last in Full Employment in a Free Society (1944), which defined full employment as \"having always more vacant jobs than unemployed men, not slightly fewer jobs\" and set the proviso that it be achieved with \"all essential citizen liberties\" preserved. His scheme set limits on the state as well as duties. The report said that \"the state in organising security should not stifle incentive, opportunity, responsibility,\" and that a national minimum \"should leave room and encouragement for voluntary action by each individual.\"\n\nHe entered Parliament as the Liberal member for Berwick-upon-Tweed at a 1944 by-election and lost the seat in the general election of 1945. His report became the blueprint for the social legislation of 1944 to 1948, including the National Insurance Act of 1946 and the National Health Service, which opened in 1948. He was made a peer in 1946 and sat on the Liberal benches in the House of Lords. He published an autobiography, Power and Influence, in 1953, and died on 16 March 1963.",1879,1963,"British","economist","20th Century","\u002Fimages\u002Ffigures\u002Fwebp\u002Fwilliam-beveridge.webp",null,[115],{"archetype_slug":65,"strength":116,"description":117},9,"Security against want is a precondition of freedom, not a threat to it. You want a national minimum built from shared contributions, with room left above it for incentive, responsibility and voluntary effort, the Social Liberal bargain between the state and the citizen.",[],[],[],[],[],[],{"cards":125,"influenced":126,"shapedBy":127,"outbound":128},[],[],[],0]