[{"data":1,"prerenderedAt":-1},["ShallowReactive",2],{"archetype-name-map":3,"thinker-bartolus-of-saxoferrato":100,"$fQoSA6uNVfRiH8eJLSwics0MLjU4lfU8TMSks0lufyoY":174},[4,7,10,13,16,19,22,25,28,31,34,37,40,43,46,49,52,55,58,61,64,67,70,73,76,79,82,85,88,91,94,97],{"slug":5,"name":6},"anarcho-capitalist","Anarcho-Capitalist",{"slug":8,"name":9},"establishment-progressive","Establishment Progressive",{"slug":11,"name":12},"progressive-activist","Progressive Activist",{"slug":14,"name":15},"techno-progressive","Techno-Progressive",{"slug":17,"name":18},"patriotic-progressive","Patriotic Progressive",{"slug":20,"name":21},"conservative-democrat","Conservative Democrat",{"slug":23,"name":24},"moderate-conservative","Moderate Conservative",{"slug":26,"name":27},"reform-conservative","Reform Conservative",{"slug":29,"name":30},"religious-conservative","Religious Conservative",{"slug":32,"name":33},"traditionalist","Traditionalist",{"slug":35,"name":36},"national-populist","National Populist",{"slug":38,"name":39},"left-nationalist","Left Nationalist",{"slug":41,"name":42},"moderate-liberal","Moderate Liberal",{"slug":44,"name":45},"pragmatic-centrist","Pragmatic Centrist",{"slug":47,"name":48},"authoritarian-left","Authoritarian Left",{"slug":50,"name":51},"authoritarian-right","Authoritarian Right",{"slug":53,"name":54},"welfare-nationalist","Welfare Nationalist",{"slug":56,"name":57},"democratic-socialist","Democratic Socialist",{"slug":59,"name":60},"christian-socialist","Christian Socialist",{"slug":62,"name":63},"market-socialist","Market Socialist",{"slug":65,"name":66},"trad-socialist","Trad Socialist",{"slug":68,"name":69},"civil-libertarian","Civil Libertarian",{"slug":71,"name":72},"compassionate-libertarian","Compassionate Libertarian",{"slug":74,"name":75},"left-libertarian","Left Libertarian",{"slug":77,"name":78},"traditional-libertarian","Traditional Libertarian",{"slug":80,"name":81},"classical-liberal","Classical Liberal",{"slug":83,"name":84},"social-liberal","Social Liberal",{"slug":86,"name":87},"national-conservative","National Conservative",{"slug":89,"name":90},"neoconservative","Neoconservative",{"slug":92,"name":93},"techno-authoritarian","Techno-Authoritarian",{"slug":95,"name":96},"market-liberal","Market Liberal",{"slug":98,"name":99},"independent-thinker","Independent Thinker",{"thinker":101,"archetypes":113,"traditions":114,"traditionLinks":134,"homeOut":135,"homeIn":141,"works":142,"homeTradition":117,"siblings":156},{"id":102,"slug":103,"name":104,"one_line":105,"bio":106,"birth_year":107,"death_year":108,"nationality":109,"primary_role":110,"era":111,"portrait_url":112,"figure_class":112},1136,"bartolus-of-saxoferrato","Bartolus of Saxoferrato","The greatest of the medieval Roman lawyers, who found in an imperial code the legal basis for the independence of city-republics that recognised no emperor.","Bartolus taught law at Pisa and Perugia and died at forty-three, having produced a body of commentary on the Corpus Juris Civilis so authoritative that for three centuries the Italian and Spanish courts treated it as effectively binding. Nobody is a jurist unless he is a Bartolist, the saying went.\n\nHis problem was a mismatch between text and world. The Roman law he taught assumed a single universal empire in which all jurisdiction descended from the emperor. The Italy he lived in consisted of city-republics that legislated for themselves, made war and peace, and acknowledged imperial authority only in theory. Most jurists resolved this by treating civic autonomy as a concession revocable at will. Bartolus resolved it the other way. Where a city in fact recognises no superior, he argued, it is in law its own prince — civitas sibi princeps — and the legislative power the code assigns to the emperor belongs to it. Custom and long possession are not tolerated deviations from the law but sources of law themselves.\n\nThe move gave republican self-government a formal legal foundation drawn from the most prestigious authority available, which mattered enormously: it meant that Florentine and Venetian liberty could be defended in the language of the jurists rather than merely asserted against them. Quentin Skinner's account of the foundations of modern political thought treats Bartolus and his pupil Baldus as the point at which a defensible theory of the sovereign republic first appears, well before the humanists gave it their rhetoric.\n\nHe also wrote the earliest systematic treatment of what would become conflict of laws — which city's statutes govern a contract made in one place and disputed in another — and a treatise on the government of cities that classifies regimes by size and analyses faction with an eye Machiavelli would recognise. The Tractatus de Tyrannia distinguishes the ruler who lacks title from the ruler who holds title and abuses it, and works out the legal consequences of acts performed under each, which is the medieval law of usurpation in its most developed form.",1313,1357,"Italian","jurist","Medieval",null,[],[115,122,128],{"is_primary":116,"traditions":117},false,{"id":118,"name":119,"slug":120,"short_description":121},42,"Legal Reform","legal-reform","The 18th and 19th century movement to rationalize and humanize legal systems that had developed haphazardly over centuries.",{"is_primary":116,"traditions":123},{"id":124,"name":125,"slug":126,"short_description":127},34,"Natural Law","natural-law","The tradition that holds there are objective moral and political truths grounded in human nature, accessible to reason, and binding regardless of what particular societies happen to believe.",{"is_primary":116,"traditions":129},{"id":130,"name":131,"slug":132,"short_description":133},40,"Republicanism","republicanism","The political tradition that emphasizes self-government, popular sovereignty, and the rule of citizens over themselves rather than rule by kings or aristocrats.",[],[136],{"relation_type":137,"traditions":138},"descends_from",{"name":139,"slug":140},"Utilitarianism","utilitarianism",[],[143,150],{"title":144,"year":145,"year_display":146,"description":147,"kind":148,"sort_order":149},"Commentaries on the Corpus Juris Civilis",1350,"c. 1340-57","The commentary so authoritative that Italian and Spanish courts treated it as binding for three centuries, and the source of civitas sibi princeps.","work",1,{"title":151,"year":152,"year_display":153,"description":154,"kind":148,"sort_order":155},"Tractatus de Tyrannia",1355,"c. 1355","Distinguishes the ruler who lacks title from the one who holds title and abuses it, and works out the legal consequences of acts under each.",2,[157,158,162,166,170],{"name":104,"slug":103,"birth_year":107},{"name":159,"slug":160,"birth_year":161},"Cesare Beccaria","cesare-beccaria",1738,{"name":163,"slug":164,"birth_year":165},"Jeremy Bentham","jeremy-bentham",1748,{"name":167,"slug":168,"birth_year":169},"Napoleon Bonaparte","napoleon-bonaparte",1769,{"name":171,"slug":172,"birth_year":173},"Friedrich Carl von Savigny","friedrich-carl-von-savigny",1779,{"cards":175,"influenced":176,"shapedBy":180,"outbound":149},[],[177],{"slug":178,"name":179},"niccolo-machiavelli","Niccolò Machiavelli",[]]